80 Students and Teachers Killed in Pakistan

What looks like another case of bad intelligence and american indifference. The Pakistani Army flew overhead while the americans attacked a religous school with unmanned drone. The Pakistani government wants the american operation to appear to be Pakistani.

The Associated Press has reported an interview with one of the three survivors.

“One of the three survivors, 22-year-old Abu Bakar, said from his hospital bed in the northwestern city of Peshawar that the seminary was used by students — including many children — and teachers, not terrorists.

“There was not militant training in the madrassa,” said Bakar, whose legs were broken by rubble from the building. “We had come here to learn Allah’s religion.”

Bakar said 86 people were inside the seminary and just he and two other students — 15 and 16 years old — survived the raid. Many children, including some as young as 5, were among the dead, he said.

“I am wounded but am more saddened by the deaths of small, innocent children,” said Bakar.

No Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants among the 80 dead: Sultan
By PakTribune

10/30/06 “PakTribune ” — – ISLAMABAD: Director General Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) Major General Shaukat Sultan has said that local people and foreigners were among the 80 dead in Bajaur agency operation however no Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants were among the dead.

Addressing a press conference in ISPR Rawalpindi on Monday, Army spokesman Major General Shaukat Sultan further said there were no women and children dead in this operation.

He said that the operation was carried out in Khar, area of Bajaur at 5:00 am in madrassa. The Army spokesman said Khar is situated 2.5 kilometer north of Afghanistan border.

“We received confirmed intelligence reports that 80 militants were hiding in a madrassa used as a terrorist-training facility, which was destroyed by an army strike, led by helicopters,” Sultan said. He said that the madrassa was run by Moulvi Liaquat Ali.

Identification of foreigners died in this operation is yet ascertained, he maintained.

Answering a query, the Army spokesman rejected the allegations of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces and Afghan forces that infiltration was boosted in Afghanistan following tribal peace accord in North Waziristan.

He said Pakistan is fighting war against terrorism in the best interest of the country adding that Pakistan would not allow any one to use its soil for terrorist activities.

Responding to another question, DG ISPR added that no Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants were among the dead in this operation.

He told that Pakistan would continue fight against terrorism and extremism. Whoever will writ the challenge of government will have to face dire consequence, he remarked.

C W

The U.S. Camp Falcon Base Destruction And Coverup with List of Casualties

Another Disastrous Coverup

Forward Base Falcon Disaster

by Brian Harring

Baghdad’s sky is illuminated by huge explosions in the Iraqi capital (pic AAP)

Late on the evening of October 10, 2006, Iraqi resistance groups lobbed mortar and rocket rounds into the immense ‘Forward Base Falcon,’ the largest American military base in Iraq, located 13 km south of the Green Zone in Baghdad. In addition to accurate mortar fire, Grad and Katyusha rockets were also used.

Falcon base was designed to house a large contingent of American troops, mostly drawn from the 4th Infantry Division, stationed at Fr. Bliss, Texas. At the time of the attack, there were approximately 3000 men inside the camp, which also was filled with ammunition supplies, fuel, tanks and vehicles.

Iraqi contractors had assisted in the construction of the camp, which occupied nearly a square mile and was surrounded with guard tower-studded high concrete walls, and it is now apparent that the Resistance movement had been given important targets from “sources familiar with the layout” of the base.

After the initial shelling, fuel and ammunition stores began to erupt with massive explosions that could be heard, and seen, miles away inside the Green Zone where U.S. military and diplomatic units were heavily guarded.

The explosions, all of them termed “immense” by BBC reporters, continued throughout the night.

In response, US aircraft indiscriminately rocketed and bombed various parts of the city, BBC and AFP correspondents eported, trying to knock out the launch sites of the rockets

The BBC’s Andrew North, in Baghdad, said the explosions started at about 2300 (2100 BST) and were becoming “ever more frequent” as the huge fires spread throughout the base, punctuated by tremendous explosions as more fuel and ammunition dumps ignited.

“Intelligence indicates that civilians aligned with a militia organization were responsible for last night’s mortar attack,” said Lieutenant Colonel Jonathan Withington, spokesman for the U.S. 4th Infantry Division.

An after action report, issued by the Department of Defense, stated that: “On October 10, 2006, at approximately 10:40 p.m., a 82mm mortar round, fired by militia forces from a residential area in Abu T-Shir, caused a fire at an Ammunition Supply Point (ASP) at FOB Falcon. The ASP, containing tank and artillery rounds, in addition to smaller caliber ammunition, set off a series of large explosions. About 100 troops from the 4th Infantry Division were reported to be stationed at the base at the time, but no injuries were reported.” (Emphasis added.) “The damage to the area will not degrade the operational capability of MND-B (Multinational Division Baghdad),”

When the flames had been brought under control on the morning of the 11th of October, primarily because the entire camp had been gutted, nine large American military transports with prominent Red Cross markings were observed by members of the foreign media taking off, laded with the dead and the wounded.

Over 300 American troops, including U.S. Army and Marines, CIA agents and U.S. translators were casualties and there also were 165 seriously injured requiring major medical attention and 39 suffering lesser injuries 122 members of the Iraqi armed forces were killed and 90 seriously injured members of same, were also evacuated to the U.S. military hospital at al-Habbaniyah located some 70km west of Baghdad.

Satellite pictures and aerial photographs from neutral sources showed that Camp Falcon suffered major structural damage and almost all the U.S. military’s supply of small arms ammunition, artillery and rocket rounds, tons of fuel, six Apache helicopters, an uncounted but large number of soft-skinned vehicles such as Humvees and supply trucks were damaged or totally destroyed. Foreign press observers noted “an endless parade” of military vehicle recovery units dragging burnt-out heavy tanks and armored personnel carriers to another base outside Baghdad.

Many of the walls and towers of the camp were damaged or leveled as were many of the barracks, maintenance depots, and there was considerable damage to the huge mess halls that could hold 3000 soldiers, the huge recreation center with its basketball courts and indoor swimming pools and all the administration buildings

Although official U.S. DoD statements indicated that there were no deaths; that only a hundred men were inside the base guarding billions of dollars of vital military equipment and that there were “only two minor injuries to personnel,” passes belief and certainly reality is more painful than propaganda.

Not only has the U.S. military machine lost much of its armor and transport, and its entire reserves of ammunition and special fuel, but the casualty list for only the first day is over 300..

Here is a transcription of that list who were evacuated to other hospital units:.

In re: Insurgent attacks on Forward Base Falcon on 10-11 October, 2006

Official Casualty List from U.S. military hospital at al-Habbaniyah located some 70km west of Baghdad. U.S. medical personnel at al-Habbaniyah initially stated that the US military hospital at the massive American-occupied air base there had begun to receive dead and wounded personnel. The military hospital in al-Habbaniyah, the largest in occupied Iraq, was opened on 12 May this year in response to sharply rising (and redacted) US casualties.

List compiled and effective as of 11 Oct 06 at 2300.

– A -
Pfc James R. Adams, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Captain Kenneth Adler, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Pfc Bobby Ray Albertson , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
1st Lt.Keith Allen, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Spc Cletus Anderson, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Lance Cpl John Martin Ansley, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Spc Toby Anthony, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team
Pfc Gustavo Armijo, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Michael Armstrong, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Capt Steven Arnold, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
James Arthur Ash II, Central Intelligence Agency
Cpl Edward Atkinson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade

– B –
Pfc Roy Bailey, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team
Spc John Baldwin, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Pfc Charles Barbe, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Thomas Barnhart , 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc James Barry, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Capt Robert Bell, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Spc William Bennett , Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Pfc Saul Benson, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion
Pfc Joseph Berge, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Joseph Berkeley , 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Capt Colmar Betts, 414th Civil Affairs
Zack Billings, Department of Defense
Edward Blair,, Civilian Contractor
1st Lt.Ronald Bort, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Pfc Bowen, James, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Pfc Thomas R. Boyd, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Spc Mel Brewer, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Master Sgt.Roger Brown , 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Francis Byrne, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

– C -
Pfc Arthur Cahill, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Fernando Calderon, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Alex Callaghan, Civilian Contractor
Pfc Peter Campbell, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Cpl Douglas Carmody, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Ashanti Carter, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Henry Cartwright, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Ken Casey, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Russell Cavanaugh, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Spc Raymond Chamberlain, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Pfc Einar Christiansen, 414th Civil Affairs
Spc Zack Christopher, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Eric Clark, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion
Ronald Colby, Civilian Contractor
Pfc Marcus M. Cole, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Paul Collins, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Pfc Rory Conner, Department of Defense
Pfc Roger Connolly, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Major Michael Connors, 414th Civil Affairs
Steven Cooke, Department of Defense
Spc Matthew Cooper, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Edward C. Courtney, Central Intelligence Agency
Capt Jimmy Lee Craig, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Spc Samuel Cramer, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Micah Creighton, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Spc Leonard Cunningham, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Paul E. Curtis, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company

– D -
Pfc Sebastian Daly, 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, 3rd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division
1st Lt.Benjamin Davis, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Raymond Day, Civilian Contractor
Pfc Justin Delaney, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Christopher Dixon , Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Cpl Paul Doherty, 414th Civil Affairs
Pfc Nicholas Dolan, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Lawrence Donahue, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Randall Douglas, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Carl Dowd , Civilian Contractor
Master Sgt.Phillip Doyle, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Edmund Drake, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Spc Charles Duval, 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry, 3rd Brigade, 25th Infantry Division

– E -
Spc Brandon East , Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Pfc Jeremy Edwards, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Shane Elkins, 549th Military Police Company, 385th Military Police Battalion
Edgar Elliott , Central Intelligence Agency
Pfc Ronald Ellis, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.Paul H. Etheridge, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Sgt Kenny Evans, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

– F –
Cpl Thomas Fairchild, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Pfc Ben Farrell, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Robert Feeney, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Angus Ferguson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Lance Cpl Eetaban Fernandez, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Spc Bradford Fields , , Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Raymond, Finlay, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Major Eduard Fischer, 414th Civil Affairs
Pfc Kirk Fitzgerald, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Arnold Flynn, Civilian Contractor
1st Lt.Gene Ford, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Pfc Scott Fort, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Capt Shelby Foster, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Jon Franklin, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Spc Harold Frederickson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Pfc Lawrence Frost, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

– G –
Pfc Michael Gaines, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Christopher Gallagher, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team
Pfc Israel GarciaRogelio R. Garza, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Pfc Daniel Gardner, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Brad Garrison , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Lance Cpl Kirk Geary, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force
Pfc Randy Geohegan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Adam Gibson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Master Sgt.Richard M. Gilligan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Paolo Giovinazzo, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Jeffery Givens, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division
Cpl Mario Gold, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
2nd Lt.Pedro Gomez, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Michael Gordon , 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Gabriel Govia, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Thomas Grady, Department of Defense
Pfc Kevin Graham, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Paul Gray, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Samuel Green, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Pfc Lloyd Griffith, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Cpl Andrew Gustafson, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

– H –
1st Lt. Seth Hall, , Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Pfc Tobias Hancock, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc James Hansen, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Sgt Stuart Harding , 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Randy Hardy, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Pfc Ronald Harris, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division
Pfc Keith O. Harvey, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
1st Lt.Karl Hawkins, 414th Civil Affairs
Sgt. 1st Class Samuell Hayden, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Randi Hays, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Ben Henderson, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Pfc Kyle Henry, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Spc Danid D.Herron, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Capt Kenneth Hilliard, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc John Hodge, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.Lee Hoffman, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Master Sgt.David Hoke, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Pfc Ted Holmes, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Kenny Howard, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division

– I-
Keith Ingraham, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Pfc Daniel Innis, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Shane Irving, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division

– J –
Pfc Tarrnish Jackson, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Spc Lewellen Jacobs, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Timothy Jasper, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
1st Lt.Larry Jenkins, 414th Civil Affairs
2nd Lt.Phiillip Johnson, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Pfc Brian Johnstone, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Pfc Todd Jones, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Brendan Joscelyn, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.Cpl Allan Jose, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Thomas Joyce, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Spc Benno Juarez, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

– K-
1st Lt.Eric Kaufman, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Charles Kavanaugh , Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Cpl Jon Keats, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Eric Keefe, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Tony Keeler, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Chester Keenan, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Frank Kennedy, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Jon Kent, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Sgt Jordan Kessler, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Capt Mark King , 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Neil Kirk, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Spc Jeff Klein, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Alan Knoll, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
.Pfc Adam Koehler, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Capt Osmond Kray, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
2nd Lt.Gary Krueger, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division

– L –
Tracey LaFaver , Civilian Contractor
Lance Cpl Roger Lafferty, Marine Forces Reserve’s 2nd Battalion, 25th Marine Regiment
Pfc Junior Lambert, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Shawn Lane, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Cpl Charles T. Langholz, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Jimmy Bob Larkin, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team
Pfc Eric Larsen, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Sgt. 1st Class Robert Law, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Spc Andrew Richard, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Ricardo LeGallo, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.William S. Leonard, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force
Pfc Marshal Lindsley, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Master Sgt.Tommy Lee Lipton, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc George Long, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Jimmy Longtree, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
1st Lt. Jasper Loomis, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Pfc Carstairs Lowe, 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Robert M. Lynch, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company

– M –
Pfc Paul McKinnon , 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Keith MacVane, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Gunnar Magnusson, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Capt.Martin Mahoney, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Enzo Marini, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Rostan Markovic, Central Intelligence Agency
Spc John M. Marshall, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Michael Martin, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Pfc Scott Marvin, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Pfc Leroy Mason, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Spc Greg Mathews, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Duncan Maxwell, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Brian Mayer, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Arthur Mazzocco, Department of Defense
1st Lt.Joseph McAllister, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Master Sgt. Daniel McBride, . 2nd Battalion, 8th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc William McClellan, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force
Spc Lou McConnell, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Sgt. 1st Class Albert McGinnis,. 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Master Sgt.David McRae, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Matthew Medigovich, Central Intelligence Agency
Pfc Vincent Mendoza, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Cpl Richard Milich, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Ben Miller, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
Cpl Robert Mitchell, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Terrence Mogen, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Ted Montague, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division
Pfc Yates Montecino, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Esteban Morales, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Darrell Morgan, Central Intelligence Agency
Jeffery Morrison, Civilian Contractor

– N –
1st Lt.Noble Natsios, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Carlos Naverez, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Sgt. 1st Class Edward Nelson , 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Cpl Donald Newcomb, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Roger Newell, Civilian Contractor
Pfc Dorin Nicholson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Bart Nolan, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Nelson Norton, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Wally Novak, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion

– O –
1st Lt.Chris O’Brien , 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Stephen O’Connor, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Raymond O’Rourke, Civilian Contractor

– P –
Spc James W. Page, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Russell Palumbo, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Nicholas Pappas, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Troy Parker, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Mark Patten, 47th Combat Support Hospital, 62nd Medical Brigade
George Paul, Civilian Contractor
Lance Cpl Wallace Peabody, 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion, 2nd Marine Division, II Marine Expeditionary Force
Pfc Dale Peake, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Reed Perry, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Pfc Samuel Petersen, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Roger Platt, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
1st Lt.Thomas Poole, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Pfc William Porter, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Sgt Daniel Powell, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Todd Price, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Cpl Kevin Prisley, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Peter Purvis, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

– Q –
2nd Lt.Quesada, Gonzalo, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Liam Quinn, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

– R –
Pfc Chad Railey, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Ignacio Ramirez, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Pfc Arthur Ramsen, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Benjamin Raymond, Civilian Contractor
Spc Todd Reckford, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Aaron Reynolds, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Timothy Richard, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division
1st Lt. Paul Richardson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Robert Riley, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Shawn Roberts, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Cpl Kirk Robinson, National Guard’s 149th Brigade Combat Team
Sgt. 1st Class James P. Rodgers, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
Master Sgt. Chad Romer, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Martin Ross, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Robert Rowan, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.Seth Ryan, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

– S –
Spc Ricardo Sagan, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Hector Salazar, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Ed Sampson, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
1st Lt Walter San Fellipo, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Bruce Sartiano,, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Raymond Schmitz, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
2nd Lt.Ernest Sherman , 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Pfc Mario Sims, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Joshua Smith, 4th Support Battalion, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Andrew Snow, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo
Gerald Sorenson, Department of Defense
Lincoln Stadermann, Translator
Master Sgt.Michael Stephenson, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Carl Stone,, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Capt.Harold Sullivan, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
1st Lt. Lawrence Swenson, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division

– T –
Cpl Augustus Tanner, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Reginald Tate, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Duane Taylor, 118th Military Police Company, 519th Military Police Battalion, 16th Military Police Brigade
Sgt. 1st Class Curtis Thomas, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Stuart Thompsen, 57th Military Police Company, 8th Military Police Brigade
Spc Larry Thomson, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Capt David Towers, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Pfc Dean Townsend, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
2nd Lt.James Tracy, Army Reserve 346th Psychological Operations Company
Pfc Paul Tucker, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Daniel Tyson, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

– U –
Pfc Romillo Ugarte, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division
Cpl Austin Unger, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division

– V –
Spc Ramon Valadez, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Hector Velazquez, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Spc WalterVincent, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment, 82nd Airborne Division
2nd Lt.ThomasVoelker, 204th Support Battalion, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

– W –
Spc Carl Wade, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Sgt. 1st Class Kevin Walker, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Ronald Walsh,, 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Jack Ward, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault)
Cpl Sean Weber, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division
Pfc Steven Webster, Army National Guard’s 35th Special Troops Battalion
Spc Paul Welch, 3rd Battalion, 16th Field Artillery Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Capt.Gene Westin, 1st Battalion, 37th Field Artillery Regiment, 25th Infantry Division
Master Sgt.Richard Wheeler, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
Pfc Lawrence White, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Andrew Willams, 7th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Sgt. 1st Class Mario Williamson, Army National Guard’s 1569th Transportation Company
Russell Wilson, Translator
Michael Wisniewski, Civilian Employee
Cpl Chris Womack, 67th Armor Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Burton Wood, Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile UnitTwo

– Y -
Cpl Fernando Yates, 1st Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 82nd Airborne Division
Istvan Yatsevitch, Civilian Contractor
Cpl John York, 4th Battalion, 42nd Field Artillery Regiment, 1st Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Peter Young, 1st Battalion, 67th Armored Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division

– Z –
Pfc Mario Zammarella, 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 2nd Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Cpl Jose Zamora, 1st Battalion, 12th Infantry Regiment, 4th Brigade, 4th Infantry Division
Spc Reuben Zamora, 1st Battalion, 22nd Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 4th Infantry Division
Pfc Arno Ziegler, 542nd Maintenance Company, 44th Corps Support Battalion
1st Lt.Charles L. Zimmerman, 1st Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division

CIA Funding Fatah

It is being reported by various sources that the U.S. is funding anti-Hamas parties in the Palestinian territories and the fatah party in particular. The funds are being used to advise Hamas opponents, to pay journalist radio and TV stations that will portray Hamas in the negative. There are also reports that weapons and ammunition are being allowed to cross through Israel to Fatah.

This news should be proof that the Fatah party is a corrupt group. Since when has the U.S. ever had the best interest of the Palestinian people in mind? The U.S. wants to foster in a government like all the rest in the region they support, corrupt and oppressive. So much for their democracy lie.

Below is an article by Khalid Amayreh in the West Bank on the subject.

Palestinians apprehensive about CIA money

Palestinian nationalist and Islamic leaders have strongly denounced efforts by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and affiliated foreign aide bodies to recruit Palestinian journalists, politicians and certain political groups to work against the Islamic group Hamas.

Western news agencies on Friday reported that the US was quietly starting a campaign projected to cost up to $42 million to bolster Hamas’s political opponents ahead of possible early elections.

The plan includes funding the Fatah group, providing training as well as offering “strategic advice” to politicians and some liberal secular parties opposed to Hamas.

Some of the funds will also go to journalists as well as radio and TV stations that agree to work against Hamas by portraying the Islamic movement in bad light.

A knowledgeable source in Ramallah intimated that some of the money would go to fund the launching of an anti-Hamas satellite TV station in the West Bank,The new outlet ostensibly would serve as a counterweight to a planned satellite TV run by Hamas and based in Dubai.

“We know very well that American money goes hand in hand with American agenda. We also know that unclean money goes to unclean parties and unclean politicians and unclean journalists,” said Hasan Khreishe, deputy-speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council.

Khreishe, who was abducted from his home by the Israeli occupation army in July and imprisoned for several weeks for taking part in the Hamas-led government, accused the American administration of “wanting to morph the Palestinian society into a mercenary society.”

“The Americans claim that this money will reconstruct certain Palestinian political parties, but I’m sure that the opposite will happen. These bribes will only corrode, corrupt and eventually destroy these parties since they will lose whatever respect and stature among the Palestinian masses.”

Veteran Fatah leader and former lawmaker Hatem Abdul Kader concurs.“I have no doubt that any party or even individual receiving money from external sources will incur the wrath of the Palestinian people and suffer immense social and political damage.“It would be a virtual political suicide.”

Abdul Kader said he didn’t think that “the real Fatah” will allow itself to be corrupted by CIA money.“I am not sure about the authenticity of the report. It could be that things are blown out of proportion.”

Hamas leaders have castigated “the CIA conspiracy” against the Palestinian people.“They are trying to buy off a few political mercenaries here and there. But I assure them that our people are not stupid and naïve. America’s agents, like Israel’s agents, will be thrown away like you dump a filthy rug into the garbage container,” said Ibrahim Suleiman, a Hamas spokesman in the Hebron region.“America’s agents and collaborators are being discarded everywhere in the world. Do you think they will prosper here in Palestine? Have the Palestinian people forgotten what American has been doing and is doing to them?”

US official, while acknowledging the existence of the “aid program,” have non the less sought to downplay the growing controversy surrounding it.US Consol General in Jerusalem Jacob Walles was quoted by Reuters as saying that “there is nothing new here. The U.S. has operated programs in the West Bank and Gaza Strip for many years to promote development of political parties and civil society organizations.”Earlier this year, the US reportedly paid several millions of dollars to finance the election campaigns of several Fatah and other candidates.The affair, then reported widely in the occupied Palestinian territories, proved embarrassing for the candidates and some observers contend might have contributed to their defeat by Hamas candidates especially in local electoral circles.

This week, the U.S.-based National Democratic Institute, which is closely affiliated with the State Department, held talks with the leaders of Fatah and a number of other non-Islamic politicians on how they could improve their performance in any prospective election.One advise being offered is how Fatah could emulate Hamas’s election tactics by running fewer candidates per district and by fielding religious-looking women to campaign door-to-door especially with conservative households.

According to reliable sources in Ramallah, the $42-million fund is part of a larger American scheme aimed at strengthening PA President Mahmoud Abbas not only against Hamas but also against his opponents within Fatah, including supporters of the Tunis-based Farouq al-Qaddumi, the more-or-less nominal chief of the Fatah movement.Qaddumi is firmly against the dissolution of the current Hamas-led government. He also strongly condemned the burning by Fatah activists of government buildings in Ramallah a few weeks ago.

Abbas’s Presidential Guard has already received a significant amount of light weaponry such as assault rifles and ammunitions, all in coordination with Israel.Last week, Gaza journalist Imad Afaneh reported that a shipment of four containers of Russian-made rifles and ammunitions arrived from Israel via the Nahal OZ (or Mintar Crossing) and headed for the headquarters of Presidential Security at Ansar in Gaza City.The weapons reportedly were handed to Fatah activists and cadres with many rifles sold at reduced prices.The report has been denied by PA spokespersons, who described it as “speculations.”

Taliban leader Mullah Omar Eid Message

Message on the eve of Eid to the Muslim Ummah, Mujahideen in bunkers, the Afghan Muslim and Mujahid nation. I would recall that this is the 5th ‘Eid-ul-Fitr’ we are celebrating it in a situation when our homeland is under the occupation of Americans. I want to congratulate you on Eid that is greetings on the defeat of aggressors, who are on the run. I want to make it clear that the puppet of aggressors (Karzai) and his associates are searching for exit. We will never give them exit. They will be brought to Islamic justice. And everyone is well aware of the strength of our court. Our enemy has faced defeat despite his misleading programmes.Their move about democracy has also failed. The aggressors released fake films to malign and weaken us. They spent millions of dollars on media campaign but our Muslim nation is aware of it. The enemy propaganda has achieved nothing and the nation is behind us. The Kabul puppet regime has failed to establish peace and stability as well as to control narcotics. The regime has also not succeeded in maintaining unity. The government cannot maintain peace as Hamid Karzai has recruited thieves and looters in his armed militias.

The puppet regime has failed to control narcotics because most of Karzai government members are drug smugglers. The country’s unity is in danger because the rulers are themselves trying to divide the country. The Kabul administration is composed of elements that are trying to convince the people for division of the country. Alien culture and faiths are being imposed on Kabul. Those who are ruling Afghans, in fact, are aliens as they have returned to Afghanistan with foreign culture and ideas and they feel ashamed to adopt their own culture.

The Soviets also imposed such puppets as rulers during their occupation. They were Afghans but they did not have any Afghan mentality and feelings. The Soviets had a point that Afghans have invited them for the development of the country. The Soviets had the backing of Warsaw Bloc members as the Americans today have the support of NATO members. But I am confident as the former Soviets despite backing of Warsaw faced disintegration.

 The Americans would face the same fate despite the NATO support. Today all the NATO members are loosing their soldiers only for America. They must think of their own interest and should quit Afghanistan. If someone looks towards the United Nations decisions then I would say that the UN during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan had not taken any bold decision. Now the same organization endorses every decision of the Americans and it has no capability. The incompetence and weak role has created an impression that any country, which has atomic and weapons of mass destruction, they can only defend themselves from America and they don’t have any peaceful option.

This is the failure of the United Nations that it cannot stop American military action. If we look into the UN since its birth, it has not taken any positive decision to resolve Islamic problems. Islamic world has not achieved anything from the United Nations. The UN has not played any positive role so far about Palestine, Iraq and Kashmir and even if it has taken any decision, it has not been implemented. It is believed that this organization has not helped the Islamic world. If the Muslim Ummah did not standby Mujahideen and could not strengthen its defence, they will face humiliation at the hands of anti-Islamic forces. Those Muslim rulers who are following America in humiliating and weakening of Muslims, they must be aware that America will not save them from the rage of the Muslims. Muslims would lay heavy hands on them. They must realize to stop betrayal of Muslim Ummah.

I advise my Muslim and Mujahid nation to show patience and strong determination in resistance against aggressors. They should not be mislead by the enemy propaganda. Our enemy is in a state of confusion. The enemy is trying to hide its disappointment. That’s why they are leveling allegations against the Mujahideen. For example they are saying that Pakistan is supporting Taliban. You are aware that America used Pakistani airfields for attack on Afghanistan. Missiles were fired from Pakistani territory. Pakistani government handed over thousands of Mujahideen to America and even now all Pakistan’s transport routes and airfields are facilitating American war. In my opinion those, who have a mind, would not accept the notion of Pakistan support for Taliban. I believe that Karzai and his foreign friends are aware that Taliban don’t have any foreign support and that they have launched propaganda to create mistrust among Afghans who are resisting the aggressors.

 The enemy is also trying to hide their weaknesses and give some other colour to their defeat. With the grace of Allah the fighting would be increased manifold and it would be much organized in the next few months. Our previous predictions were not incorrect.

 I am confident that the fighting would be a surprise for many. I advise the Mujahideen to maintain unity in their ranks as rift in their ranks had affected jihad against the Soviets. Afghans must take care of unity in Jihad.

I would again ask Mujahideen to intensify their attacks but they should avoid any harm to innocent people and children. They should not commit any act which is contrary to Shariah. It is necessary for Mujahideen not to go for sectarian hatred. All Muslims of different schools of thought are brothers and there is no difference among them. At the end I appeal to Mujahideen to show patience. I pray for the Mujahideen in Iraq and their more success.

Mullah Omar Mujahid, the Amir-ul-Momineen

The Democracy Hypocrisy

The U.S. administration has long said that it wants to promote democracy in the Middle East. It has even been one of the reasons given by George Bush for invading Afghanistan and Iraq. But do they really want to see democracy take hold in the muslim countries? The U.S. has been friendly with and even supports,and in some cases imposed the dictators, Highnesses, and Majesties, as they call themselves, in the Middle East. Yes, they did hold elections in both Afghanistan and Iraq, but the whole process from choosing interim leaders and writing a constitution was done under the watchful eyes of the invaders not the people. Lets look at the history of democracy in the muslim world.

The following is an excerpt from an article written by Dr. Steven Harris entitled - U.S. “Democracy” in Algeria:

“However, the great Middle East ‘democracy’ that is Algeria, is rarely mentioned by the great liberator in the White House. A look at Algerian democracy and human rights might surprise those who still believe that the U.S. is actually interested in democracy in the Muslim world.

In December 1991, Algeria has the first (and last) free multi-party elections since the liberation from France in 1962. The two main parties were National Liberation Front (FLN) and the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS).

The FIS won the first round of the country’s first multiparty elections by a large majority. Under the electoral rules, there was to a second round of voting in areas where one party had secured less than 50%of the vote. From the first round it became obvious that the FIS was on course to win a two-thirds majority. What happened next is an exmaple of European and American comitment to democracy in the Middle East.

The Algerian military then canceled the second round, forced then-president Bendjedid to resign, and banned the Islamic Salvation Front. This needs to be spelt out again; an election was cancelled and a party on course to secure more than two-thirds of the popular vote in a free and fair election was banned! On January 13, 1992, following the military coup that upset Algeria’s burgeoning democratic system, the United States issued a formal but low-key statement condemning the military takeover. Twenty-four hours later, Department of State spokesmen retracted the statement, calling for a peaceful resolution but offering no condemnation of the coup.

The ensuing brutal crackdown by the military has engulfed Algeria in a violent Civil War. No accurate figures are available but the estimate is that at least 100,000 people were killed, often in unprovoked massacres of civilians. In 2002, The UN Special Rapporteurs on torture and on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions were refused access to Algeria throughout the year. The Algerian government rejected calls by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the European Union, the G8 and others for the Special Rapporteurs to be allowed to visit the country to investigate human rights issues. It also rejected an attempt by the UN Secretary-General to discuss the situation. Amnesty International and other international human rights organizations were refused access to the country throughout the year.

Post 9/11, the US has gone from being a silent spectator to one of the world’s most brutal civil wars caused by the cancellation of a fair election to supporting the Algerian government. In 2002 the United States said that it will supply equipment to help the Algerian Government in its fight against Islamic militants. The Algeria military junta pledged support for the U.S. anti-terrorism campaign, and the Assistant Secretary of State William Burns visited Algiers and announced that the U.S. was drafting a proposal to congress on increasing military aid to assist Algeria’s counterterrorism capabilities. “Washington has much to learn from Algeria on ways to fight terrorism,” Mr Burns told the New York Times. The fighters in Afghanistan and Iraq would no doubt agree.”

Another example of the U.S. hypocrisy is the silent approval of the military coup which took place in Pakistan when Musharraf arrested the fairly elected president and declared himself president. Most recently the palestinian elections resulted in a clear victory for Hamas. What did the U.S. do? It cut all funding to the Palestinians, encouraged Europe to do the same and prevented friendly nations from stepping in to provide the funds needed to function. By making the situation so bad inside the prison called Palestine the U.S. and Israel is trying to foment a coup to oust the ruling party elected fairly by the people. We have also recently witnessed the muslim brotherhood make huge political gains in Egypts recent elections to the dismay of the West.

It is clear that Muslims would elect the political party that closely adheres to the laws of Islam. The West has dangled the democracy carrot in the faces of muslims, keeping them hopeful of an Islamic government, dont think for a moment that the west is about to stand by idle and let that happen.

“Never will the Jews Nor the christians be pleased with you till you follow their religion. Say: verily, the guidance of Allah that is the only guidance. And if you were to follow their desires after what you have recieved of knowledge, then you would have against Allah neither any protector nor any helper.” (quran sura 2 ayat 120)

The Western countries thought that muslims would elect liberal non-islamic governments and foster in all the social ills that comes with it, but have learned what muslims want is Islam. Muslims have tried to seek Islam and justice by playing the games of the kafirun (disbelievers) to find out that it is just another trap. Its time that muslims strive to establish Islam by the ways of Islam.

Taliban Commander Mullah Haq Yar Speaks In An Interview

5 October 2006

Mullah Mehmood Allah Haq Yar speaks English, Arabic, Urdu and Pashtu with great fluency. He was sent by Taliban leader Mullah Omar to northern Iraq to train with Ansarul Islam fighters before the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. He returned to Afghanistan in 2004 and was inducted into a special council of commanders formed by Mullah Omar.

 Mullah Haq Yar recently spoke to Asia Times Online at an undisclosed location in the Pashtun heartland straddling Pakistan and Afghanistan.

 Asia Times Online: When are the Taliban expected to announce the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan?

 Haq Yar: Well, the whole Islamic world is waiting for the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, but it will take some time. But sure, it will ultimately happen, and this is what the Taliban\’s struggle is all about.

 ATol: Can you define the level of Taliban-led resistance in Afghanistan?

 Haq Yar: It has already passed the initial phases and now has entered into a tactical and decisive phase. It can be measured from the hue and cry raised by the US and its allies. Daily attacks on NATO forces are now routine and fidayeen attacks are rampant.

 ATol: To date, the Taliban have been very active in southwestern Afghanistan, but traditionally success comes when a resistance reaches eastern areas, especially the strategically important Jalalabad. When will this happen?

 Haq Yar: Well, I do not agree that the Taliban movement is restricted to southwest Afghanistan. We have now established a network under which we are allied with many big and small mujahideen organizations, and in that way we are fighting foreign forces throughout Afghanistan. In a recent development, the deputy chief of the Taliban movement, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, is now positioned in the eastern zone, including Jalalabad, from where he is guiding attacks on coalition forces. This eastern zone is also part of the Taliban\’s stronghold.

 ATol: What is the role of bin Laden and Zawahiri?

 Haq Yar: We are allies and part and parcel of every strategy. Wherever mujahideen are resisting the forces of evil, Arab mujahideen, al-Qaeda and leaders Osama bin Laden and Dr Zawahiri have a key role. In Afghanistan they also have a significant role to support the Taliban movement.

 ATol: Is the present Taliban-led resistance against the US and its allies a local resistance or is it international? That is, are resistance movements in other parts of the world led from Afghanistan?

 Haq Yar: Initially it was a local movement, but now it is linked with resistance movements in Iraq and other places. We are certainly in coordination with all resistance movements of the Muslim world.

 ATol: What is the Taliban strategy with groups like Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan (Khalis)?

 Haq Yar: The Hezb-i-Islami of Hekmatyar and the Taliban are fighting under a coordinated strategy and support each other. The leadership of the Khalis group is now in the hands of his son, who is coordinating everything with Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani.

 ATol: What is the Taliban\’s weaponry? Is it old Russian arms or they have acquired new ones - and if so, where are they getting them?

 Haq Yar: The Taliban have all the latest weaponry required for a guerrilla warfare. Where does it come from? Well, Afghanistan is known as a place where weapons are stockpiled. And forces that provided arms a few decades ago - the same weapons are now being used against them.

 ATol: The Taliban contacted commanders in northern Afghanistan. What was the result?

 Haq Yar: About one and a half years ago these contacts were initiated. Various groups from the north contacted us. We discussed the matter with [Taliban leader] Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund and then, with his consent, I was assigned to negotiate matters with the Northern Alliance.

 The first meeting was held in northern Afghanistan, where I represented the Taliban. Many individuals from various groups of the Northern Alliance attended the meeting and they all condemned the foreign presence in the country, but insisted that the Taliban should take the lead, and then they would follow suit. Another meeting was held after that in which various individuals come up with some conditions, and there was no conclusion. There was no collective meeting, but there are contacts.

 ATol: What is the role of the tribal chiefs?

 Haq Yar: The tribal chiefs have always been supportive of the Taliban and still are. How could they not be? The US bombed and killed thousand of their people and the puppet Karzai government is silent. All Afghans are sick and tired of US tyrannies and daily bombardment, whether they are commoners or chiefs, and that is why they are all with the Taliban.

 Actually, we have also worked on organizing that support. On the instructions of Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund, I met with tribal chiefs last year and prepared the grounds for this year\’s battle [spring offensive], and all tribal chiefs assured me of their support. And now there is support - it is there for everybody to see.

 ATol: It is said that the Taliban are now fueled by drug money. Is this correct, and if not, how do they manage their financial matters?

 Haq Yar: It is shameful to say that the Taliban, who eliminated poppies from Afghanistan, are dependent on the drug trade to make money. This is wrong. As far as money is concerned, we do not need much. Whatever is required, we manage it through our own limited resources.

 ATol: Are you satisfied with the media\’s role?

 Haq Yar: Not at all. They do not publish our point of view. They never tried to talk to the genuine Taliban. Rather, they go after not genuine people who are basically plants and rejected by the Taliban leadership.

Study Finds 655,000 Iraqi Deaths Caused by The American War Against Islam

Below is an interview Democracy Now’s Amy Goodman had with the report’s co-author, epidemiologist Les Roberts.

Les Roberts, one of the researchers of the study, was with Johns Hopkins when he co-authored the report but has just taken a post at Columbia University.

AMY GOODMAN: Les Roberts joins us now from Syracuse, New York. He’s one of the main researchers of the study. He was with Johns Hopkins when he co-authored the study but has just taken a post at Columbia University. Les Roberts, welcome to Democracy Now!

LES ROBERTS: Hi, Amy. It’s nice to be with you again.

AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us. Why don’t you lay out exactly what you found?

LES ROBERTS: Sure, we, as you said, went to about 50 neighborhoods spread around Iraq that were picked at random, and each time we went, we knocked on 40 doors and asked people, “Who lived here on the first of January, 2002?” and “Who lived here today?” And we asked, “Had anyone been born or died in between?” And on those occasions, when people said someone die, we said, “Well, how did they die?” And we sort of wrote down the details: when, how old they were, what was the cause of death. And when it was violence, we asked, “Well, who did the killing? How exactly did it happen? What kind of weapon was used?” And at the end of the interview, when no one knew this was coming, we asked most of the time for a death certificate. And 92% of the time, people walked back into their houses and could produce a death certificate. So we are quite sure people didn’t make this up.

And our conclusion was comparing the death rate for that 14 months before the invasion, with the 40 months after, that the death rate is now about four times higher. And, in fact, it’s twice as high as when we last spoke two years ago and when we did our first study. So, things have gotten bad, as you stated. We think about 650,000 extra people have died because of this invasion, and about 600,000, some 90%, are from violence.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Well, I’m sure you have heard by now the responses of President Bush and military leaders about this. What is your response to their saying that this is not credible?

LES ROBERTS: You know, I don’t want to sort of stoop to that level and start saying general slurs, but I just want to say that what we did, this cluster survey approach, is the standard way of measuring mortality in very poor countries where the government isn’t very functional or in times of war. And when UNICEF goes out and measures mortality in any developing country, this is what they do. When the U.S. government went at the end of the war in Kosovo or went at the end of the war in Afghanistan and the U.S. government measured the death rate, this is how they did it. And most ironically, the U.S. government has been spending millions of dollars per year, through something called the Smart Initiative, to train NGOs and UN workers to do cluster surveys to measure mortality in times of wars and disasters.

So, I think we used a very standard method. It could conceivably be as few as 400,000 deaths. So we’re upfront about that. We don’t know the exact number. We just know the range, and we’re very, very confident about both the method and the results.

AMY GOODMAN: Les Roberts, this was President Bush when he was asked about the study Tuesday, during his morning news conference. He dismissed the study, as you know, and said Iraqis are willing to tolerate the level of violence in Iraq. The question came from CNN’s Suzanne Malveaux.

SUZANNE MALVEAUX: A group of American and Iraqi health officials today released a report saying that 655,000 Iraqis have died since the Iraq war. That figure is 20 times the figure that you cited in December, at 30,000. Do you care to amend or update your figure, and do you consider this a credible report?

PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: No, I don’t consider it a credible report. Neither does General Casey, and neither do Iraqi officials. I do know that a lot of innocent people have died, and that troubles me and it grieves me. And I applaud the Iraqis for their courage in the face of violence. I am amazed that this is a society which so wants to be free that they’re willing to — you know, that there’s a level of violence that they tolerate. And it’s now time for the Iraqi government to work hard to bring security in neighborhoods, so people can feel, you know, at peace.

No question, it’s violent. But this report is one — they put it out before. It was pretty well — the methodology is pretty well discredited. But I — you know, I talk to people like General Casey and, of course, the Iraqi government put out a statement talking about the report.

SUZANNE MALVEAUX: The 30,000, Mr. President? Do you stand by your figure — 30,000?

PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: You know, I stand by the figure. A lot of innocent people have lost their life — 600,000, or whatever they guessed at, is just — it’s not credible. Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: And again, this was General George Casey, the top U.S. military leader in Iraq, who was also asked about the Lancet study.

GEN. GEORGE CASEY: I have not seen the study. That 650,000 number seems way, way beyond any number that I have seen. I’ve not seen a number higher than 50,000. And so, I don’t give that much credibility at all.

REPORTER: What’s the 50,000 number? Where did you see that from?

GEN. GEORGE CASEY: I don’t remember, but I’ve seen it over time.

REPORTER: Is it a U.S. military estimate?

GEN. GEORGE CASEY: I don’t remember where I saw that. It’s either from the Iraqi government or from us, but I don’t remember precisely.

AMY GOODMAN: General George Casey and President Bush. Les Roberts, your response, and also to President Bush saying Iraqis tolerate this level of violence.

LES ROBERTS: Well, you know, we didn’t do a poll of Iraqis about their tolerance for the level of violence, but I think that Iraqis are pretty unhappy with the level of violence. And I think there are a couple of issues that arise, because of this. First of all, you know, I’m not so surprised that entities that monitor newspaper reports or groups that are looking at official government statistics think that it’s ten times lower than the real number.

We have gone and looked at every recent war we can find, and only in Bosnia did all governmental statistics add up to even one-fifth of the true death toll. And in Bosnia, the rate was 30 or 40 percent, with huge support for surveillance activities from the UN. So it’s normal in times of war that communications systems break down, systems for registering events break down.

And in Saddam’s last year of his reign, only about one-third of all deaths were captured at morgues and hospitals through the official government surveillance network. So, when things were good, if only a third of deaths were captured, what do you think it’s like now?

And another thought is that — quite unrelated — if someone said in the 9/11 attacks, “I think only 200 or 300 people really died,” we would be really, really upset. And I think in the long view, the danger of discarding this study, if it’s correct, is that, at a moment when we as a society should be showing contrition, our leaders have essentially expressed indifference to an extraordinary level of suffering. And that’s just the wrong message in terms of either our long-term security or peace in the Middle East.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Les Roberts, I would like to ask you something about the methodology of the study. Clearly in Iraq, as in most wars of this type, the level of violence is uneven across the country. It might not necessarily even correspond to the population densities of different areas. What was the methodology that you used to select the particular clusters that you chose?

LES ROBERTS: Sure. That’s a great question. And you’re right. In Iraq, there is a huge difference in death rates between, for example, the Kurdish north, which is relatively safe, and the Sunni Triangle, where the death rates are extremely high. And what we did was we got a population estimate of every government, from the Iraqi government, and we randomly allocated these 50 clusters that we were to go visit proportional to the population in each of those governments, so that, if in the Kurdish north there is only 20% of the population living in the couple safest provinces, we would naturally end up with a sample that’s 20% or so from that zone.

And then, once we had picked that we were going to visit two or three neighborhoods in a certain governance or province, we would then make a list of all the villages and towns and cities, and again randomly pick one of those to visit, so that big places had a larger chance of being visited than smaller places. And then, finally, when we got down to the village level or to the section of a city, we would pick a house at random, visit it and the other 39 houses closest to it to grab a cluster of 40 houses. And luckily, in the analysis, we can sort of look at how much variation there was between clusters.

And when we reported this, we didn’t say it was 655,000 deaths. We said it was 655,000 deaths, and we’re 95% sure it’s between about 400,000 and 950,000. And that range of imprecision is capturing that variance between neighborhoods that you described, some places having a lot of violence, and some not. So there is less than a 2 percent chance that the number is well below 400,000. So, you know, it’s not precise. It’s incredibly hard to do this kind of work in times of war, and I think that this is awfully good, given the conditions.

AMY GOODMAN: Les Roberts, there are some, like a very much quoted analyst, Anthony Cordesman, who are saying this is just a matter of politics. You released this study right before the election. This isn’t science. It’s politics.

LES ROBERTS: Well, if I’m not mistaken, Anthony Cordesman was formerly a Pentagon official, and, you know, I think he probably has a political lens in what he says. But this study has been underway for most of a year, in terms of organizing and getting it all together. It was done in June through July. It took some time to get the data out of Iraq, because of the logistical troubles of moving people in and out. We analyzed it carefully. We submitted it to The Lancet quite a while ago, and The Lancet had control over when this came out.

And I think this is just a lose-lose situation. You know, if this had come out two weeks ago, people would be saying the same thing. If this came out in the months after or the two months after the next election, people in Iraq would see this as very political in timing. So, you know, any time within a several month window here, we were going to get this accusation, and I just think it’s bunk.

And more importantly, is it true? It is easy — it’s going to be very easy for a couple of reporters to go out and verify our findings, because what we’ve said is the death rate is four times higher. And a reporter will only have to go to four or five different villages, go visit the person who takes care of the graveyard and say, “Back in 2002, before the war, how many bodies typically came in here per week? And now, how many bodies com in here?” And actually, most graveyard attendants keep records. And if the number is four times higher, on average, you’ll know we’re right. If the numbers are the same, you’ll know we’re wrong. It is going to be very easy for people to verify this and get all of this talk about whether it’s political out of the way, because the fundamental issue is, a certain number of Iraqis have died, and if our leaders are saying it’s ten times lower than it really is, we are driving a wedge between us and the Middle East.

AMY GOODMAN: Finally, Les Roberts, I saw you Upstate New York a while ago, after your first study came out, and you commented on how little it was commented on or picked up here in this country, though cited all over the world. But now you have the report out in The Lancet, and you have the President Bush responding to it, even if he is discounting it. You’ve got General Casey responding to it. What about the U.S. press looking at these figures?

LES ROBERTS: You know, I think that — this is just my opinion — the U.S. press sort of follows public opinion. It doesn’t necessarily lead it, except in a few circumstances, like AIDS in Africa. And the public is ready to think, “Wow, things might be going badly in Iraq.” And I don’t think the public was ready to say that two years ago.

And so, when this study came out, Tony Blair was asked three times — I’m sorry, the 2004 study came out, Tony Blair was asked three times in the week that followed, ‘What do you think of this estimate that 100,000 Iraqis had died in the first 18 months of occupation?” No one asked George Bush about how many civilians had died or about our study for 14 months after the study came out. And then, when he was asked, it was just by a member of the public in a forum in Philadelphia.

And now, within about four hours of the study coming out, he was asked directly, he was forced to respond, there was a dialogue going on. So, I think that the nation, as a whole, is more ready to honestly talk about Iraq, and that’s led the press to be more able to honestly talk about Iraq.

AMY GOODMAN: Les Roberts, thank you very much for joining us, co-author of the study on civilian mortality in Iraq since the invasion. He was with Johns Hopkins when he co-authored the study, has just moved on to Columbia University.